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[CAPTURE PORTAL] 119TH CONGRESS
// Legislative Integrity Monitor
Goblin House Intelligence
CongressOfficials → Tim Walberg

Tim Walberg

Republican · Representative, MI ·5
Score Components
10 MODERATE
Connection Density 20%
0 → 0
Donor Influence 10%
0 → 0
Silence Risk 25%
0 → 0
Contradiction Risk 25%
18 → 5
Intelligence Volume 10%
56 → 6
Constituency Deviation 5%
0 → 0
Voting Misalignment 5%
0 → 0
% = weight in composite score · Raw component 0–100 × weight = weighted contribution (→) · Sum of contributions = overall score. Hover a row for details.
Walberg's stated rationale for his October 3 Nay, as reported by WILX News: (1) 'Does the bill hold the ones accountable who brought on the problem? The answer is no.' (2) 'Does the bill punish the ones who did not bring on the problem—i.e., the taxpayers—and the answer is yes.' (3) 'Does the bill do anything to keep this from happening again? The answer is
primary · 2008-10-03
The Club for Growth invested over $1 million in the 2006 Republican primary to help Walberg defeat moderate incumbent Rep. Joe Schwarz. Walberg subsequently received an 80% Club for Growth score for the 2008 session—the highest among Michigan's nine Republican House members and 8.1 points above the national GOP average of 71.9%.
secondary · 2006-2010
The Club for Growth explicitly warned lawmakers on September 29-30, 2008 that it would count a vote in favor of TARP against them in its 2008 congressional scorecard. The TARP vote was weighted at 8 points—the highest weight assigned to any vote—with the 'pro-growth' position being Nay. The Oakland Press reported that 'Club for Growth is viewed with apprehen
primary · 2008-09-30
Walberg voted NAY on Roll Call 681 (H.R. 1424, Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008—final TARP authorization) on October 3, 2008. Vote Smart's national key-vote tracker records 'Tim Walberg voted Nay (Concurrence Vote).' WILX News same-day reporting confirms 'Two of those nay votes came from local congressmen. Basically, Republicans Tim Walberg and M
primary · 2008-10-03
Walberg voted NAY on Roll Call 674 (H.R. 3997, Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008) on September 29, 2008. The clerk's official record shows the vote failed 205-228 with Republicans voting 65-133 against. Walberg was among the 133 Republican Nays. The prior 'nay_unverified' designation is superseded by primary evidence.
primary · 2008-09-29
H.R. 1 had zero path to enactment: the Democratic-controlled Senate never took it up, and President Biden had issued a Statement of Administration Policy threatening a veto. Walberg's August 2023 call for the Senate to vote on H.R. 1 occurred five months after the symbolic House passage, underscoring the bill's messaging function.
secondary · 2023-08-16
Corrigan Oil, a Michigan-based petroleum distributor and convenience store operator, contributed $11,600 to Walberg in the 2023-2024 cycle. H.R. 1 mandated additional oil and gas lease sales and eliminated restrictions on import/export of oil and natural gas — provisions that directly benefited fuel distributors like Corrigan Oil.
secondary · 2024-12-31
DTE Energy ($16,624) and CMS Energy ($11,021) were Walberg's #2 and #9 top 2023-2024 contributors respectively per OpenSecrets. Both are Michigan-based electric and natural gas utilities whose ratepayers include Walberg's own constituents, and both directly benefited from H.R. 1's reduced royalties on energy production and repealed methane emissions charge.
primary · 2024-12-31
Walberg served on the House Energy and Commerce Committee's Subcommittee on Energy in the 118th Congress, giving him direct legislative jurisdiction over oil, gas, and electric utility sectors that contributed $143,313 to his 2023-2024 campaign via the Oil & Gas and Electric Utilities industry categories.
primary · 2023-01-01
Walberg embedded his own Protecting International Pipelines for Energy Security (PIPES) Act into H.R. 1. Section 10008 of the Lower Energy Costs Act prohibited the president from revoking cross-border pipeline permits without congressional approval — a provision directly designed to protect Michigan's Line 5 pipeline, which supplies 55% of the state's propan
primary · 2023-03-30
Walberg voted YEA on Roll Call 182 (H.R. 1, Lower Energy Costs Act) on March 30, 2023. The official House Clerk roll confirms passage 225–204 with 221 Republicans supporting and only Brian Fitzpatrick (PA-1) opposing. The prior 'yea_unverified' designation is superseded by primary evidence.
primary · 2023-03-30
Walberg's 2022 district (MI-07) had a 7.8% poverty rate and median household income of $70,618, with Michigan's uninsured rate having dropped from 11% in 2013 to 4.5% by 2024 largely due to ACA subsidies that the IRA extended through 2025—meaning Walberg voted against preserving enhanced health insurance subsidies for low- and moderate-income constituents in
secondary · 2022-08-12
The Club for Growth—Walberg's career top donor at $396,445—issued a key vote alert on August 5, 2022 urging all members to vote against the IRA; Walberg has voted with the Club for Growth on 94.1% of key votes over his career (16 of 17 votes through 2007), making his IRA opposition ideologically consistent with a 15-year pattern rather than a donor-driven de
secondary · 2022-08-05
Consumers Energy (CMS Energy), Walberg's #3 career donor at $150,091 and the largest employer in his district (9,000 employees), stood to save an estimated $60 million on solar investments by 2040 under the IRA's clean energy provisions—meaning Walberg voted against a bill that would materially benefit both his top donor and his district's largest employer.
secondary · 2022-10-31
Walberg's combined energy-sector donations from Electric Utilities ($76,663) and Oil & Gas ($66,650) in the 2023-2024 cycle totaled $143,313—the largest energy-sector donor haul of any Michigan House member—while his career top energy donors include CMS Energy ($150,091) and DTE Energy ($135,696), both of which are Michigan-based utilities regulated by the H
secondary · 2024-12-31
Walberg published a statement on his official House website calling the IRA the 'Inflation Expansion Act' and asserting it 'will raise taxes and make life even more unaffordable for Michigan families,' using language closely aligned with the Club for Growth's August 5, 2022 key vote alert that called it the 'Fake-Inflation Reduction Act.'
primary · 2022-08-12
Tim Walberg voted Nay on H.R. 5376, the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022, Roll Call 420, August 12, 2022—the bill passed 220-207 with all 220 Democrats voting Yea and all 207 voting Republicans voting Nay; Walberg was among the 207 Republican opponents.
primary · 2022-08-12
[constituency_baseline] Demographic anchor: Bachelor's degree or higher: 23.6%
secondary
[constituency_baseline] Demographic anchor: Homeownership rate: 79.1%
secondary
[constituency_baseline] Demographic anchor: Poverty rate: 7.8%
secondary
No connections mapped
BillVoteDateAlignment
Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2024 ($26.38 billion) yea 2024-04-20 aligned
Ukraine Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2024 ($60.8 billion) nay 2024-04-20 deviating
Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2023 (Debt Ceiling Deal) yea 2023-05-31 mixed
Lower Energy Costs Act of 2023 yea_unverified 2023-03-30 aligned
Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 nay_unverified 2022-08-12 aligned
Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act of 2021 ($1.2 trillion) nay 2021-11-05 aligned
Impeachment of Donald Trump (Second Impeachment — Incitement of Insurrection) nay 2021-01-13 aligned
Emergency Economic Stabilization Act of 2008 (TARP) nay_unverified 2008-09-29 mixed
Last contradiction analysis: Never
same_source_inconsistency 30/100
Platform: "In December 2008, Walberg said he would have reluctantly supported the $14 billion auto industry bailout, stating while recuperating from surgery: 'Th"
Vote: on "During a 2010 debate, Walberg repeatedly refused to answer whether he would have voted for the auto "
[auto-downgraded: both claims come from the same source host] In 2008, Walberg told an MLive reporter he would have reluctantly voted for the auto bailout, but by 2010 and 2012 he refused to answer the same question, dodging it during debates. His di
Last silence detection: Never
No active silences
No donor interests mapped
No constituency baseline modelled
No platform commitments archived
No committee memberships recorded
Scoring Methodology

The Capture Risk Score is a composite 0–100 index measuring potential regulatory capture of elected officials. It is computed from seven weighted components:

ComponentWeightSignal
Silence Risk25%Topics where donors have interests but the official is silent
Contradiction Risk25%Stated positions contradicted by voting record (recent findings boosted)
Connection Density20%Mapped relationships to lobbyists, contractors, interest groups
Intelligence Volume10%Documented facts from verified sources (logarithmic scale)
Donor Influence10%Distinct donors with interests overlapping committee jurisdiction
Constituency Deviation5%Gap between district priorities and legislative focus
Voting Misalignment5%Floor votes contradicting stated platform positions

Each component produces a raw score 0–100. The weighted sum yields the overall score. Tier thresholds: Critical ≥ 45, High ≥ 36, Elevated ≥ 22, Moderate ≥ 10, Low < 10.

Officials without at least 2 documented facts, 1 contradiction analysis, 1 voting record, or 1 constituency baseline are marked Insufficient Evidence and excluded from numeric ranking.

Contradiction findings from the last 180 days receive a recency boost. High-severity contradictions (score ≥ 70) receive additional weight.

Full methodology: /congress/methodology

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