SCORECARD · H. MORGAN GRIFFITH accountability readout

H. Morgan Griffith dossier →

Republican U.S. House · VA-9 full conduct profile →
73/100
ELEVATED CAPTURE-RISK INDEX
How this number is built ↓
Silence risk25%
85
Contradiction risk25%
69
Connection density20%
83
Donor influence10%
74
Fact density10%
51
Constituency deviation5%
31
Voting misalignment5%
0

Weighted composite, 0–100. Identical to the figure on the Congress monitor. Each bar is the component's normalised 0–100 contribution before weighting.

01

Silence on donor-funded topics 7

Topics where donors have documented interests but the official has no public statement on record. Silence is the absence of expected speech — not proof of intent.

  • Griffith has repeatedly refused to hold in-person town halls, prompting multiple 'empty chair' town hall events across his district in early 2025 485 days silent
    Expected position: As the elected representative of 780,117 constituents in Virginia's 9th district since 2011, Griffith would be expected to hold regular open, in-person town halls where voters can ask unfiltered questions — especially given his 14-year incumbency and a district with the highest poverty rate of any Virginia congressional district. Evidence of activity on adjacent topics: In February 2025, protesters gathered at Griffith's Bedford office hours demanding an in-person town hall. Organizer Karen Nuzzo stated: 'He does not come to the district, he does not listen to his constituents.' On February 26, 2025, a protest occurred at the Martinsville Municipal Building targeting Griffith's 'consistent inability to attend his own Town Hall meeting.' On April 4, 2025, constituents in Blacksburg held a town hall 'without the congressman' citing 'repeated refusals from Congressman Morgan Griffith to attend a live town hall.' On April 17, 2025, the 'empty chair town hall' in Abingdon saw Griffith's 2024 opponent Karen Baker as a speaker. Griffith responded: 'I regularly hold teletown halls, which are more efficient and more effective' and claimed 'We do not screen questions.' Constituents countered that teletown halls 'do not allow for everyone's voice to be heard.' Griffith was active on other fronts during this period: he voted for H.R. 1 (July 2025), sponsored the Power Plant Reliability Act (December 2025), issued press releases on federal grants to Virginia Tech, and held teletown halls — proving communicative activity through controlled channels rather than open public forums. Primary URL: https://wset.com/news/local/we-demand-a-town-hall-protestors-call-on-congressman-morgan-griffith-to-answer-concerns-bedford-municipal-building-february-2025
  • Griffith did not address the Stream Protection Rule's substance at a 2015 OSM public hearing in Big Stone Gap, then left before hearing constituent testimony 0 days silent
    Expected position: As the congressman representing Virginia's coalfield communities most directly impacted by the Stream Protection Rule, Griffith would be expected to engage substantively with proposed regulations and remain to hear constituent testimony at the only hearing held in his district. Evidence of activity on adjacent topics: At a hearing in Big Stone Gap, Va., Griffith 'did not address any details of the Stream Protection Rule in his comments, and he provided no tangible evidence of whether or not it would achieve its intended effect. Instead, Griffith seized the opportunity to spout 'war on coal' rhetoric and to accuse the rule's supporters of caring more about mayflies than human beings.' When Wise County resident Jane Branham confronted him and asked him to stay and listen to constituents, 'Griffith declined this invitation and left promptly at 6:11 p.m.' Constituents who followed Griffith testified about the health and environmental impacts of mountaintop removal mining on their communities. Griffith's pattern of avoiding direct constituent engagement on coal-related environmental issues is consistent with his later refusal to hold in-person town halls. Primary URL: https://appvoices.org/2015/09/22/citizens-speak-up-during-stream-protection-rule-hearings/
  • law & lobbying firms
    American Association For Justice PAC, Honeywell International PAC, Foley & Lardner Political Fund, Mcguirewoods Federal PAC, American Israel Public Affairs Committee PAC (amounts: $10,000 (2026), $8,000 (2026), $5,000 (2024), $5,000 (2026), $7,000 (2026)) — interest area: law & lobbying firms
  • party committees
    Interested donors: House Freedom Fund
    House Freedom Fund (amounts: $5,000 (2026)) — interest area: party committees
  • corporate pacs, industry unlisted
    Swedish Match North America LLC PAC, Vsp Holding Company Inc Political Action Committee, U.S. Anesthesia Partners Inc. PAC, Advansix Inc. Political Action Committee, Canopy Growth Employees Political Forum PAC, Teamhealth Holding Inc PAC, Hall Render Killian Heath Lyman PAC, Professional Compounding Centers Of America Political Action Committee (Pcca PAC) (amounts: $10,000 (2026), $10,000 (2026), $5,000 (2026), $5,000 (2026), $5,000 (2024), $5,000 (2026), $10,000 (2026), $10,000 (2026)) — interest area: corporate pacs, industry unlisted
  • colleagues' leadership pacs
    Raptor PAC, Majority Committee PAC-Mc PAC, Bringing Republican Excellence To Town PAC (Brettpac), Cmr Political Action Committee, Electing Majority Making Effective Republicans (Emmer PAC), Buckeye Liberty PAC (amounts: $6,000 (2026), $10,000 (2024), $5,000 (2026), $5,000 (2024), $7,500 (2024), $10,000 (2026)) — interest area: colleagues' leadership pacs
  • other / unclassified
    Labpac, Ambulatory Surgery Center Association PAC (Ascapac), Thoroughbred PAC, Alzheimer'S Impact Movement PAC, Usacs PAC, Seal PAC Supporting Electing American Leaders PAC, American Bakers Association American Bakers PAC, Nat Assoc Of Chain Drug Stores Inc PAC (Nacds PAC), American Osteopathic Information Association, American Orthotic & Prosthetic Association PAC, American Pistachio Growers Pistachio PAC, Emergency Department Practice Management, American Revival PAC (amounts: $7,500 (2026), $5,000 (2026), $5,000 (2026), $5,000 (2026), $5,000 (2026), $5,000 (2026), $5,000 (2026), $7,427 (2026), $9,000 (2026), $9,162 (2026), $5,000 (2026), $10,000 (2026), $10,000 (2026)) — interest area: other / unclassified
All silence flags for H. Morgan Griffith →
02

Vote-vs-platform contradictions 3

Roll-call votes that contradict the official's own stated platform commitments. Each links to the bill and the contradiction rationale.

50% of 6 rated votes contradicted the stated platform
  • H.R. 2550 ↗ NAY 2025-12-11
    Protecting America's Workforce Act (restoring collective bargaining rights for over 1 million federal workers)
    why contradicted?
    [against_constituent] Griffith voted against restoring collective bargaining rights for federal workers. The AFL-CIO gave Griffith a 0% 2025 score and 1% lifetime score. His district includes federal employees across multiple agencies serving the Southwest Virginia region. This vote went against the material interest of federal-worker constituents. The bill passed 231-195 with support from 20 Republicans and all 211 Democrats; Griffith was among the majority of Republicans who opposed it.
  • H.R. 1 ↗ YEA 2025-07-03
    One Big Beautiful Bill Act (budget reconciliation — Medicaid/SNAP cuts, tax reform)
    why contradicted?
    [against_constituent] Griffith cast a decisive vote (218-214 final passage) for a bill the AFL-CIO assessed would enact 'devastating cuts to Medicaid, SNAP, and other important social safety programs.' His district has 10.2% poverty, a median age of 44, and 15% of residents are 70+ — making Medicaid and Medicare critical. Griffith told constituents the bill 'strengthened' Medicaid and described work requirements as 'community engagement.' Both Virginia Democratic Senators warned the bill would 'rip health care and nutrition assistance away from hundreds of thousands of people in Virginia alone.' Griffith's vote was against the material interest of his elderly, healthcare-dependent constituency.
  • H.R. 4 ↗ YEA 2025-06-12
    Rescissions Act of 2025 (gutting foreign assistance, CPB funding, USAID)
    why contradicted?
    [against_constituent] Griffith voted to cut funding for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, foreign assistance, and USAID. The AFL-CIO opposed the bill. His district's poverty rate (10.2%) and below-average educational attainment (23.9% bachelor's) make public broadcasting and educational programming particularly valuable in rural Appalachian communities. Griffith's yea vote prioritized fiscal conservatism over the educational and informational needs of his rural constituency.
Full voting record + platform comparison →
03

Broken promises 0

Documented public commitments paired with the documented action that broke them. Each carries a primary-source citation for the violation.

No documented broken promises on file.

04

Documented contradictions 2

Stated-position-vs-revealed-conduct contradictions analysed against the official's commitments, scored by strength of the contradiction.

  • statement_vs_disclosure SCORE 90
    Griffith claimed H.R. 1 'strengthened' Medicaid for 'pregnant women, the disabled, the elderly, and the young,' while the AFL-CIO, CBO, and both Virginia Democratic Senators assessed the bill would enact devastating cuts to Medicaid and SNAP. Griffith's district has 10.2% poverty, a median age of 44, and 15% of residents are 70+ — among the most vulnerable populations in Virginia. Griffith's assertion that 'community engagement' requirements are not 'work requirements per se' contrasts with independent analyses projecting millions would lose coverage. The two sources — Griffith's press statement to WCYB and the AFL-CIO scorecard citing CBO data — come from independent outlets with different hostnames.
  • same_source_inconsistency SCORE 30
    [auto-downgraded: both claims come from the same source host] Griffith's Ukraine stance evolved from early support (2022 Lend-Lease, 2022 supplemental) to opposition (voting against 2023 and early 2024 Ukraine funding bills H.R. 5692 and H.R. 2882) and back to support (H.R. 8035 in April 2024). His statement 'I support helping Ukraine' remained consistent, but his votes on specific funding vehicles oscillated, earning him a C+ from Republicans for Ukraine. This is a position evolution across different bills addressing the same policy question (Ukraine military aid), with different legislative vehicles and political contexts.
Contradictions ledger →

What this scorecard does and doesn't claim

Every figure above is a count of records the platform already holds, each click-through-able to its source. The scorecard adds no inference, no forecast, and no narrative — it aggregates what is documented.

A populated scorecard is not a finding of corruption. It documents the volume of stated-vs-revealed tension, donor-adjacent silence, and broken commitments on the public record for this official. Silence in particular is the absence of an expected statement; it can have innocent explanations and is never presented as proof. Read each item's source before drawing conclusions.

⌗ Cite this
Permalinkhttps://www.goblinhouse.net/scorecard/congress-g000568
CitationGoblin House. "H. Morgan Griffith — Responsibility Scorecard" (accountability scorecard). Goblin House — The Architecture of Secrecy. Accessed October 19, 2026. https://www.goblinhouse.net/scorecard/congress-g000568.

Sourced from public records and content-hashed; verify via /attestation, standard at /methodology.